Понедељак, Децембар 24, 2012
ЗЛОУПОТРЕБА НАУКЕ У ПОЛИТИЧКЕ СВРХЕ (други део)
У студији о којој је овде реч нису примењени методолошки поступци којима би била увећана „ваљаност тумачења“ – мера у којој истраживачево тумачење представља разумевање перспективе проучаваних особа/група и значења приписаних њиховим речима и акцијама (Maxwell, 1992), нити су примењени методолошки поступци којима би била умањена опасност од грешке „илузорне повезаности“ – тенденције да се нађу односи између догађаја, људи, процеса и сл. и онда када таквих односа уистину нема. Умесно је подсетити на једну од замерки психоанализи коју је упутио Е. Нејгел: чињеница да многи људи који су имали током детињства трауматске доживљаје и доцније постали неуротичари – не потврђује узрочну везу, поготово ако има исто толико људи са сличним доживљајима, а ипак се развијају у нормалне особе; нема доказа да постојеће, актуалне тегобе неког човека извиру из неиспуњених жеља из раног детињства и да остају исте током година које следе – зар васпитање и култура не делују током развоја на јединку? После озбиљних разматрања Нејгел је „пресудио“ да је Фројдова теорија доктрина чија чињеничка вредност није потврђена (Е. Nagel, 1960, s. 48-55).
У истраживању су коришћени различити извори података/емпиријских материјала, различити подаци/емпиријски материјали и, у некој мери, различити методи прикупљања података али нису коришћени различити методи анализовања података/емпиријских материјала, нити су коришћене различите теоријске позиције (што би, према уверењу већине значајних методолога, могло водити увећању поверења у тумачења и закључке истраживања) (Miles & Huberman, 1984, 1994; Fielding & Fielding, 1986; Maxwell, 1992). Зашто у прикупљању, анализовању и тумачењу података/искуствених материјала нису коришћене и неке друге психолошке теорије, иако то и неки заступници психоисторије захтевају? Поред тога, ако не постоји само једно једино истинито тумачење историјских дођаја и процеса, зашто нису узета у обзир и процењена алтернативна тумачења? Најзад, зашто осим
примењеног метода анализе података нису коришћени и неки (у то време расположиви) алтернативни, истанчанији методи квалитативне анализе?
Оправданост исказа који улазе у састав историјског знања (или се оцењују ради одлучивања да ли ће бити укључени у састав историјског знања) зависи од тога да ли је уверљиво показано да их значајно искуствено сведочанство поткрепљује или оповргава. Повезаности између искуственог сведочанства/података, тумачења и закључака у овом истраживању нису јасне. Налази, тумачења и закључивање нису процењени са становишта истинитосне вредности, исправности, логичке
складности, непристрасности, уопштљивости и сл. а легитимност истраживања није образложена, документована и изричито предочена, мада то угледни методолози препоручују (Constas, 1992; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007). А. Пухар, истини за вољу, признаје да у недостатку темељних емпиријских студија прибегава налазима минорних емпиријских истраживања, али јој то ни мало не смета да на оскудном и слабашном искуственом сведочанству заснива богате и моћне закључке. За оцењивање тумачења и закључака у истраживању нису били укључени други зналци (који у истраживању нису учествовали) који би у расправи оспоравали тумачења и закључке истраживача (чиме би, како мисле значајни методолози, била увећана легитимност оваквог интерпретивистичког истраживања) (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Maxwell, 1996; Newman & Benz, 1998). Зашто је изостала примена познатих, тада
расположивих, методолошких поступака која би омогућила дознавање да ли је прихватљива мера сагласности меродавних других да су опис, тумачење и оцењивање исправни, добри, то јест да студија има задовољавајућу „консенсуалну ваљаност“ (Eisner, 1991; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007)?
Зашто А. Пухар зло од задруге види као једини извор понашања последника задруга и зашто то шири на све задруге и на цео српски народ? Утицај давно утрнулих задруга на савремена збивања А. Пухар ничим није поткрепила. Позивање на прошлост у овом тренутку је менталистичке нарави а оно што А. Пухар сада види је физикалистичко потврђивање, а то је категоријална гешка у мишљењу! (Ако је А. Пухар желела да извор зла нађе у задрузи, тј. у Србији, требало је да се распита о шиптарским породицама које због „крви“ не смеју из својих кућа. Чак ни учитељи не смеју да иду у опседнуте куће да деци која не смеју ван кућа, држе предавања. Како ће та деца израстати?) Једино што је заједничко свим породичним задругама је да су их сачињавале две или више генерација, бракова и породица. Унутрашње организације породичних задруга су зависиле од краја у којима су осниване. Уколико су породичне задруге биле у забаченим (планинским) крајевима, утолико је више био примитиван начин организовања њиховог живота и гајења деце а о томе А. Пухар није говорила. Зато је погрешно генерализовати положај жене и мајке из једне средине на све, као и начин подизања деце, као заједнички стил свих породичних задруга. Старешина (домаћин) породичне задруге испољавао је ауторитарне или ауторитативне одлике зависно од оног што смо претходно рекли. Жена је у породичној задрузи само формално потчињена, она је распоређивала женску чељад на рад и друге дужности. Поред тога, против тезе А. Пухар говори и „особина“. Женин властити иметак - „особина“ је нешто
одвојено, што својим приходима не подпада под заједницу. У инокосној кући жена од своје „особине“ подмирује ћеркине потребе. И у целој осталој економији жена се много пита. Кад сељанка мужа назове „мој старешина“ она означава само његову економску функцију, као старешине целокупне задруге. О овом би се још могло говорити, али из досад реченог јасно је да А. Пухар није добро проучила оно о чему суди. А. Пухар није споменула ни балканске ратове (када је жена била глава породице), ни први и други светски рат него је са описа живота у задругама (сфера претпостављеног узрока) извела скок на понашање Срба у деведесетим годинама двадесетог века (сфера претпостављених последица). У новије време, каже С. Вукосављевић (1962, с.159), задруге су већ постале терет задругарима, сметале су развијенијем индивидуалном животу, предузимљивости и „новачењу“. Ако су задруге почеле да се гасе у XIX веку, онда њихов лош утицај, по схватању А. Пухар, траје и у ванзадружним породицама у другој половини XX века. Како? Како она објашњава скок од наводног злостављања из неког ранијег периода на збивања савременика који немају никаква искуства из задружног живота? (Када је реч о батинању деце, Вера Ст. Ерлих (1971, с.54) пише да у бившим југословенским републикама није било негативног става према батинама. У Србији су теорија и пракса у прилог батина (с.57).) Следствено причи А. Пухар, какво искуство из најранијих дана имају деца рођена после убиства Милице Ракић, Сање Миленковић и бањалучких беба? „We were just children!“ пише на спомен плочи на Ташмајдану.
У савременој философији историје важи уверење да историјско знање веома много зависи од поступака примењених у искуственом истраживању којим је то знање стечено. Запитајмо се: постоје ли вредни разлози за очекивање да квалитет происхода овог истраживања – његових налаза и закључака – буде бољи од квалитета процеса истраживања којим су ти происходи – налази и закључци – произведени? Упозоравамо да се критеријуми овде примењени у оцењивању квалитета процеса
истраживања не односе само на сазнајну него и на етичку вредност тог истраживачког подухвата и његових происхода - дакле на моралну неодговорност самог истраживача! Мада верујемо да је образлагање тог тврђења излишно, поткрепићемо га неким одломцима текста „Guidelines for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences, Law and the Humanities“ (De nasjonale forskningsetiske komiteer (2006)). У
тим водиљама се поставља „...захтев да истраживачи размотре како њихови властити ставови могу да обоје њихов избор тема, извора података и равнотеже између могућих интерпретација.“ (с.8). Истраживање туђих култура „... истраживачу поставља специјалне захтеве за дијалогом с представницима и члановима културе која се истражује.“. Истраживачи у културалним и социјалним наукама „... морају да праве јасну разлику између документације и оцењивања.“ (с.24). „Захтеви за изворним материјалом и ваљаним резоновањем су нарочито значајни када истраживање може имати последице по репутацију или интегритет индивидуа или група, или када може да утиче на политичке одлуке. У таквим случајевима, нарочито је значајно да истраживачи расправљају алтернативне интерпретације својих налаза или да укажу на научну неизвесност.“ (с.32). Огромни несклад између таквих захтева и понашања А. Пухар у планирању овог истраживања, прикупљању и анализовању искуствених сведочанстава, као и у тумачењу налаза и закључивању, је очигледан. Стога нас изненађује што угледни часопис The Journal оf Psychohistory објављује такав рад.
Пета дијагноза
Пређимо сад на историчара Н. Малколма (Malcolm, 1998) чије ће морално мишљење бити предмет овог дела огледа. Он је на страни која заступа тезу да моралним судовима и прескрипцијама има места у историографији. Наравно, потпуну дијагнозу о његовом моралном мишљењу не можемо поставити на основу само једне књиге и неколико његових исказа. Њих наводимо само као (уџбенички) пример ступња зрелости моралног расуђивања у једној прилици. Послужиће нам добро једна верзија
Колберговог смештања људи (дијагоза) на супњеве моралне лествице моралног мишљења на путу ка Начелној моралности, коју, као што се могло очекивати, не достижу сви људи (Kohlberg,1981). Кратак приказ је неизбежан. Довољно је казати да процедурални део целе замисли о узвратној, реципрочној моралности (то је пример „реверзибилности моралне операције“) налаже људима стављање на туђе место у случају сукоба захтева – „Ја спрам тебе“, „он спрам неког другог“! Сад се може прећи на ствар.
На 95. и 96. страни своје књиге Малколм пише о devširme, као о турском методу „регрутовања“, или „прикупљања“ хришћанских младића очигледно избегавајући праве изразе – поробљавање и данак у крви. Додуше, он вели да је то чињено на силу и да су ти младићи били превођени у ислам, да су
постали јаничари. Али, то им је отварало врата за напредовање – „узлазни друштвени ход“ (upward social mobility).
Тешко је отети се утиску да Малколм овако пише у сврху оправдавања злочина – отмице и стицања личне, безобзирне користи поробљивача. Јер, наводно, неки од дечака постали су успешни чланови аскера, док су понеки досегли до везирског положаја. Понеки од таквих везира су чак одржавали везу са старим крајем и држали га под својим „патронатом“. Али, аутор нема ни реч о томе да су неки од њих покоље вршили и у старој постојбини. Зашто то прећуткује? Брз на крње премисе не може извести ваљане закључке: ако се превиди (изостави!) завера против султана коју сковаше „прикупљени“ српскимомци, јер им није било до одрођавања и одсебљења и то платише главама, закључак о „узлазном друштвеном ходу“ је чврст. Међутим, иако је писац знао за заверу и још неке податке он је прибегао пробиру и закључује само на основу оних који воде полому и понижавању Срба(3). Још један пример: Имена на „ош“ и „уш“ нису била уобичајена у Срба у средњем веку, каже писац,те отуд доводи у питање порекло Милоша Обилића! Треба трагати за мађарским пореклом тог имена, али, да додамо, једино по сумњивим изворима којих се аутор свесрдно налатио! Зашто није прелистао одличну књигу М. Грковић(4) из које би видео да у попису имена насеља и људи дечанског властелинства (прва половина XIV века) имена са словенским суфиксом - „ош“ и „уш“ нипошто нису неуобичајена; оних са суфиксом - „ош“ и „уш“ неколико је десетина.
Морална дијагноза у овом случају пријања уз клиничку нарочите врсте. Довољно је подсетити се тезе проф. Николе Милошевића из два разлога од којих је један интиман. Ако бисмо неким случајем пристали уз Малколмове лекције и пацке Србима, презиме Милошевић не би било српског порекла, отуд је било у реду обратити се проф. Милошевићу с питањем да ли зна он којег је порекла његово
презиме! Можемо замислити одговор! После, ако интелигентан човек, а Н. Малколм то свакако јесте – дозволи себи толико лишеноумности о чему сведочи његова књига и његова митологија, тада нас толики раскорак упућује на Милошевићеву гласовиту тезу о „реметилачком“ чиниоцу. Чинилац је, по нашем мишљењу, вековна константа – „Патологија духа“ и само обилазно и у заобљеном облику
сусреће се са свакодневном индивидуалном патологијом(5); тај чинилац је одблесак старе тежње да се зонтанон холон распарча, распори по било којем шаву. Изворе његове треба тражити у ванкогнитивној области, у „патологији историје“, која се кроз понеке људе лако пројављује. Питања (дијагностичка) се роје: да ли је Н. Малколм представник (свестан или не) тежње духа времена да раздроби зонтанон холон (Homo Epistemicus - Homo Moralis - Homo Politicus), да подржи „побуну против личности, субјективности“, да искључи „историјску психолошку/личносну супстанцијалност“ и историјску одговорност, а у замену за све то да понуди нови мит? У посебном, нашем случају био би то малколмовски мит о Косову поткрепљен већ наведеном Diagnоsis Zagrabiensis. Ако Срби треба да се одрекну свога мита, значило би да им је присвојити Малколмов, нови мит или контрамит који је
очигледно изграђен на политичким пробирима датог тренутка и, наравно, нема историјску подршку реалности макар то била само „психичка реалност“. Било како било, Малколмове замисли нису исправно засноване и потребна им је истанчанија психолошко-историјска дијагноза која сеже шире и дубље од познатих психолошких, преоптерећених психоанализом и пројекцијом садашњости у прошлост (историја је „будућност урушена у прошлост“ - F. Rieff).
Да видимо сад како стоји са стављањем на туђе место, или као што би рекао философ Џ. Ролс – са покривањем главе „плаштом незнања“ зарад непристрасности. У Малколмовој књизи о Косову не каже се колико је младих људи настрадало јер нису хтели да се одроде. Није мање важно ни то колико је дечака патило (споменути су само родитељи) због одрођавања и какве је то последице могло имати (и имало) по њихове личности. Због чега се аутор не ставља на место осталих сродника, затим у улогу
девојака, првих љубави? Да ли је шира заједница трпела због одлива младих, радних, паметних људи? Пропуштена је и чињеница да су Турци бирали само здраве дечаке, они нису „сакупљали“ богаље и заостале. О томе сведочи податак да су многи родитељи сакатили своју децу како не би била „сакупљена“ зарад друштвеног напредовања. А о одвођењу лепих и здравих девојака у харем – ни
слова! Да ли аутор то није знао или је и он „изабрао незнање“? Свеједно. Он је одговоран за оно што је написао.
(3) Н. Малколм наводи у библиографији К. Михаиловића из Островице: Јаничарове успомене у преводу B. Stolz; Михаиловић К. (1975) Memoirs of a Janissary, (ed) S. Soucek, Ann Arbor; Michigan.
(4) Види опширније: Милица Грковић (1983), имена у Дечанским хрисовуљама; Филозофски факултет, Нови Сад
(5) Видети о томе опширније: Н. Милошевић (1989), Психологија знања; Нолит, Београд и Филозофија и психологија (1977); Светови, Нови Сад.
Све у свему, описана друштвена мобилност нипошто се не може бранити начелом хуманог напредовања, једино би се могло рећи да је понеко успео; понеко је чинио добро родној груди, а понеко – зло и то не само у својој постојбини но и бројним другим народима. Ништа од тога Малколм није узео у разматрање и зато се за његове исказе може рећи да су знак сакатости моралног расуђивања. Као подршку овом овом суду навешћемо да је и социјална матрица веома уска – од користи за неког па до
користи за све велико је појмовно и морално растојање. Пошто се Малколмово мишљење не може подвести ни под какво начело које руководи моралним мишљењем са горње половине Колбергове лествице развоја моралног мишљења, могло би се разматрати да ли је пред нама некакав вид за Малколмов узраст незреле утилитарне моралности. Међутим, то нам више није потребно, али ауторово
читање лекције Србима о способности мишљења (с.355) вреди приложити. Аутор им налаже да преиспитају свој „фиксирани образац мишљења“ којег су се дуго држали и почну да мисле „рационалније“, „хуманије“ и критичније о националном миту, о косовском миту. Ако би га послушали – свима би било боље, једино није речено ко су „сви“. Опет нешто није у реду с истинитошћу премиса и релевантном односу са закључком. Зашто не бисмо поразмислили о томе како су Албанци дошли у српску земљу и какве су злочине починили над Србима и њиховим светињама неколико стотина година па и данас? Најзад, није вредно труда истраживати да ли је овај савет из репертоара Етике бриге, јер све што је до сад речено наводи на закључак да човек какав је Ноел Малколм, бар како се у овој књизи представио, не би требало никога да поучава и прописује му шта да ради.
Напослетку, мада се не може навести тачан број дијагностичара који раде у духу Diagnоsis Zagrabiensis, недоумици нема места око запажања да су епистемички и морални човек у раскораку! Можда се уплео, уметнуо Homo Politicus? Откуд и зашто раскорак? Је ли то природно неслагање или неко вештачки изазива раздвајање делова личности који животно пријањају један уз други? Одговор очекује и обичан
човек и многи научник.
Дијагнозе имају инструменталну вредност а неке од сврха дијагноза постaвљених српском народу су, према нашем уверењу, насилно (ре)конструисање идентитета нације и легитимизовање дејстава моћн их против те нације. Потреба А. Пухар и њој сличних да се поред војних, политичких, економских, идеолошких средстава употребљених за напад на Србију примене и психолошке дијагнозе којима би се
ти напади оправдали и подупрли треба да буде разголићена како Срби не би упали у мрежу која им се плете. Верујемо да је у томе подухвату незанемарљив мотив „потребе за непријатељем“ о којој се пише (само другим поводом) у саременој литератури(6) а конкретно средство је уништавање српског нормалног с а м о ц е њ е њ а, а преко њега удар на национални идентитет и, још више, на идентитет нације. Један од највећих, најтежих удараца које нам задају „савезници“ је што нам убијају самоцењење (и бањалучке бебе, Милицу Ракић и Сању Миленковић, да не наводимо остала почињена злодела) и тиме угрожавају не само национални идентитет него и идентитет нације, а то је силовит насртај Зла! На крају, питамо се шта се може очекивати од моћи која се зарад оправдавања намере покоравања других користи сазнајно врло спорним а морално недопустивим психолошким средствима.
(6) Опширније о томе видети: Volkan, D.V. (1985) The Need to have Enemies and Allies: A Developmental Approach, Political Psychology, Vol. 6, No. 2, 219-247
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Шта зна А.Пухар о српским митовима, етичком кодексу и традицији. Покушава да разуме нове догађаје у оквиру психоисторије, држећи се једног приступа и једне хеуристичке теорије, која је би боље објаснила њену личност него историјска збивања. Аутори текста сасвим аргументовано, методички и надасве морално одговорно анализирају њене дијагнозе и коментаре других аутора о Србима. Могло би се рећи да А.П. не психологизира или не психологише, она напросто онанише, а то служи за задовољаваље само једне њене потребе.
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understand how they do the job. Within this article, We're going to discover how a lottery performs
and provide some examples of lottery effects. Continue on looking at To
find out more!
Ways to lawfully Enjoy Laos lottery on the net
The Lao lottery sector is an fascinating one which
has skyrocketed lately. The vast majority, 70% of all,
on the populace of Laos Participate in the
lottery, which happens to be believed being the best per capita sum on earth.
The sector produced much more than $three hundred million in 2018.
Within this website article, We'll think about the heritage of this lottery, the legality of the game, and the way to Enjoy the lottery on the net.
In regards to the Laos Lottery
If you want to know more about the Laos lottery video game, you
need to know this video game originated in Cambodia, And that's why to
start with we want to know the history of the sport.
The lottery activity originated in Cambodia, even so the Laos lottery match acquired its get started in 1991, when the Laos authorities made a decision to
make their very own lottery match for Laos.
The Laos govt determined they desired to bring in the earnings that it could crank out again to
Laos. So, they established a different lottery sport where
there would not be any Intercontinental or offshore
participation.
The sport was produced and it is operate solely from the Laos federal government.
The Laos lottery video game commenced in 1991 and is regulated via the Ministry of Finance and Economic climate of the government
of Laos.
The Laos lottery recreation has two main forms of lottery video games, which are the Everyday Lottery along with the Quality Day-to-day Lottery.
These game titles are performed each day at 11:00 AM, and
that is 6:00 AM GMT, and five:00 PM GMT respectively.
The Premium Each day Lottery is easily the most beneficial
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attracts one,200,000
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In September 2022, Mexican boxer Canelo Álvarez was solid
in an undisclosed role.
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I'm not sure if this is a format issue or something to do with browser compatibility but I
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Hope you get the issue solved soon. Cheers
